Chief Of Integrated Defence Staff

Chief Of Integrated Defence Staff – Air Marshal Balabhadra Radha Krishna, PVSM, AVSM, SC, ADC is a retired officer of the Indian Air Force. He served as Chief of the Joint Defense Staff (Deputy Chief of the Defense Staff) from September 30, 2021 to March 31, 2023.

He is the former Air Officer Commanding-in-C (AOC-in-C) of the Western Air Command. He assumed charge on 1 July 2021 following the promotion of Air Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhary. He previously served as Director General of Air (Operations) and prior to that served as Air Staff Officer Sear, Southwest Air Command.

Chief Of Integrated Defence Staff

BR Krishna is an alumnus of Defce National Academy, Defce Service Staff College, Wellington and National Defce College.

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BR Krishna was commissioned as a fighter pilot in the Indian Air Force on 22 December 1983. He has nearly 5,000 hours of flying experience in various fighter aircraft, including operational, training and test flights . He is a qualified flight instructor and test pilot.

In a 38-year career, he has commanded a front-line fighter squadron and commanded the Air Force Test Pilot School. He was the Commander of the Aircraft and Systems Test Institute (ASTE). As an Air Marshal, he served as Air Staff Officer Sear at Southwest Air Command and was Director General of Air Operations before being promoted to AOC-in-C .

As head of the IDS, he merged the old Amar Jawan Jyoti with a new one at India Gate on 21 January 2022 at the National War Memorial.

During his career, he was awarded the Shaurya Chakra in 1986 for his outstanding work at BR Krishna Air, and for his distinguished service, he was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal in 2017 and the Param Distinguished Service Medal in 2022. There is a super chief: the Chief of the Defense Staff. Whether the new incumbent can transform India’s defense apparatus and make the services a more effective coordinated fighting unit depends on how specific his mandate is.

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The Red Fort is a powerful metaphor for India’s military might and a backdrop for change. Seat of the backbone of two Mughal and British empires, it was from the walls of this fort that India was transformed into an independent republic. It was also where Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced India’s biggest defense reform in 72 years. Speaking at the Red Fort on the 72nd Independence Day, Modi announced a post of Chief of Defense Staff (CDS).

The CDS will be the government’s one-stop military adviser, he said, adding that coordination between forces will be intensified and they will be more effective. Even for a government characterized by stealth, secrecy and awe, the announcement was made carelessly. Few saw it coming in the huge Ministry of Defense, which has operated largely unchanged since British rule.

Even the armed forces were surprised. Early last year, in a first compromise, the three services agreed to appoint a permanent chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee (CoSC). The proposal sent to the PMO for approval was for a fourth four-star officer to head the CoSC consisting of the three service chiefs (which is currently held by the senior service chief on a rotating basis). The CDS, which Modi chose to announce, is a giant step for a permanent president. A senior army officer says the decision is like Article 370. Everyone was expecting a radical change in the government instead of small mistakes.

A key learning from the 1999 Kargil war, the designation of CDS was an unfinished agenda of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. This is what Modi hinted at when he addressed the Joint Commanders Summit in December 2015, when he talked about how integration at the summit was a long overdue need. It took almost four years to make the announcement.

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The decision to appoint a super chief of the armed forces comes at a turning point in India’s national security interests. The real change has been how the political leadership sees the military as a coercive instrument of hard power against nuclear-armed Pakistan. The Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh governments failed to retaliate against the 2001 attack on Parliament by Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal and the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack in 2008. Modi has marked the extent of ‘a military confrontation even under a nuclear umbrella.

Terrorist attacks like Uri and Pulwama were countered by cross-border commando attacks and bombing of terrorist training camps inside Pakistan. Speaking in India today, senior military officials confirmed that the army is now more prepared for war than at any time in recent decades.

After the 2016 Uri attack, the army prepared for a quick and shallow push in Pakistan’s “quick cold start” offensive. Stockpiles of missiles and ammunition were replenished. Three years ago, the operational headquarters of the air force, army and naval commands facing Pakistan sat down and fine-tuned their war plans in a joint exercise, the first since the 1971 war.

Services for different contingencies and their responses to each were investigated. These plans were then reviewed by the respective heads of service who attended meetings with their operational staff. This resulted in army chief General Bipin Rawat telling a closed-door meeting of retired officers on August 19 that the army was ready for war with Pakistan after the Pulwama suicide attacks on February 14.

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The first draft of the National Security Strategy is due to be presented to the government soon. Drafted by the Defense Planning Committee, headed by National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval, the policy (known by experts as the Defense White Paper) will address one of the main weapons of India’s military modernization without targeting to individual service planning defects. Separate hardware requirements and separate projects from budget realities.

The government has already restricted defense spending and is unlikely to spend more than 16.6 percent of central government spending. This year’s defense budget of 4.31 trillion rupees ($61.96 billion) represents an average growth of 6.8 percent over the previous year. The government’s focus on socio-economic priorities, balancing the fiscal deficit and concerns over a sluggish economy mean a tight fit for the defense rupee. Designating CDS to accelerate training and cooperation and to prioritize defense spending across the services is even more important in times of restrained budgets. However, it would be only the first step in the long road to independent India’s first major military realignment after independence.

India is the last major democracy in the world without a one-time military advisor like the CDS. It is also the only major democracy outside the top government structure where the armed forces are headquartered as attached offices rather than unified departments. This model was implemented in 1947 by Lord Hastings Ismail, Chief of Staff to Louis Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India.

The Ministry of Defense structure of three Commanders-in-Chief, with a Central Coordination Committee, headed by their Services, was only a temporary arrangement until one more suited to Indian conditions was developed. But for more than 70 years it has continued as an absurd system, with each service developing its own power and war planning. There is little integration between the Prefecture of the Armed Forces and the Ministry of Defense. Amid this breakdown of fear and mistrust, the CDS post has become one of the most contentious appointments with the possibility of turf battles.

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The problem lies in the perception of CDS by the different actors of the Ministry of Defence. For the civilian bureaucracy, the position marked the rise of the military. what’s going to happen to me, a defense secretary is believed to have half-jokingly asked service chiefs several years ago while discussing the creation of the new post. Another defense secretary said in a candid conversation a few years ago that he actually had CDS. For the Congress, the powerful CDS evoked Nehruvian-era fears of a coup.

In the 1950s and early 1960s, Nehru rejected several proposals by Lord Mountbatten, the author of the Indian Army reforms, to create the CDS. The deployment of the Indian Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka (1987–1991) led to bitter inter-service rivalry. The Navy, Air Force, and Army were unable to pool resources or develop a common plan for a unified chain of command under a single commander.

This chaos was seen again and again in the Kargil war of 1999. The army alleged that the IAF entered the battle 20 days later, which could have changed decisively if it had arrived earlier. The Air Force said the military projected impossible requirements for combat helicopters without knowing their limitations. In short, when it comes to crisis, neither service can work perfectly with the other.

Strategic analyst K. Not lost on the 2000 Kargil Review Committee (KRC) led by Subramaniam. KRC

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